Golovna Prevention Racial democracy. Race and racial politics in modern Brazil Racial, or ethnic, democracy

Racial democracy. Race and racial politics in modern Brazil Racial, or ethnic, democracy

Pre-totalitarian authoritarianism is a regime that is established in the early stages of the development of political systems in different countries. To this type of order, Kh.Linitsa can be traced to fascist mobility regimes, which are associated with military-bureaucratic and corporate authoritarianism with their single, weak party, and less pluralistic and liberal, more participatory and democratic. We are talking about the powers that used to have democracy, but after the leaders came to power and were in power, evolution began in a totalitarian direction. The pre-totalitarian nature of the regime implies a lack of important political, social and cultural officials, including:

The new political group, which is oriented toward a totalitarian utopia, has yet to assert its power and institutionalize a new system;

institutions such as the army, the church, interest groups, preserving sufficient autonomy, legitimacy and effectiveness, refuse to trade pluralism for their own self-interest;

a situation of social insignificance, if some believe that excessive political and social structures can sink the totalitarian revolution, while others doubt the success of this process.

Postcolonial authoritarianism

Postcolonial authoritarianism in the form of one-party mobilization regimes arises after being filled with large colonies of independence, which is created from below in partnerships with a low level of economic development. As a rule, postcolonial independence is less formal and legal. The basis for the mobilization of widespread popular support for the new regime is often the nationalistic suppression of independence, which obscures both internal troubles and conflicts. However, due to persistent economic problems and the activation of anti-system opposition forces, rulers are worried about limiting and completely eliminating experiments from strong political intentions. The level of political participation of communities is becoming low, which means the weakness of the position of the leaders of such powers, which is manifested in frequent coups and assassinations of rulers.

Racial, ethnic, democracy

This type of authoritarianism, where the political process could be called democratic, since a large racial and ethnic minority, and other similar groups, are excluded from politics legally and factually, and without violence stva. An example of racial democracy can be called the excessive regime of PAR from its ideology of apartheid.

Sultanist regime

The sultanist regime can be considered a borderline form of autocracy. Signs of personification of these regimes include the presence of ideology, political mobilization, delimitation of the Sultan's power, pluralism. Butts to sultanism were Haiti for François Duvalier and his son Jean-Claude, the Dominican Republic for Rafael Trujillo, the Philippines for Ferdinand Marcos, Iraq for Saddam Hussein, etc.

Totalitarian regime

The totalitarian regime of government is based on the fact that power is granted to all spheres of human life and marriage. Totalitarianism is based on official ideology and is characterized by extreme centrism, voluntarism, and the cult of the specialness of the ruling leader. It only relies on political force (mostly the military), opposition is not allowed or is reinvestigated, violence is in the nature of terrorism, most often genocide is allowed.

Totalitarianism (from Lat. totalis- all, whole, full) - this is a regime of complete control from the side of the power over all spheres of life, marriage and every person in the appearance of a direct official signature. The power of all levels is formed in secret, that is, by one person or by a narrow group of individuals from the ruling elite. Totalitarianism is a specifically new form of dictatorship that emerged in the twentieth century. Totalitarianism is a fundamentally new type of dictatorship due to the special role of the state and ideology.

Signs of totalitarianism:

Ideological absolutism (a totalitarian regime is not an ideological regime, in which the policy is completely ordered by ideology and is determined by it)

єdinovoading parties of the part - “The Orders -Mechonnziv” (totalitarian regime of the UABOLYULELET System, I will be at the ambushes of “Partiza”, Tobto the deprivation of the St.

organizations of terrorism and repression (one of the fundamental aspects of the totalitarian regime is the extreme concentration of fear of the “power structures”, which is used to ensure the subordination and underpinning of the masses)

monopoly of ownership of information (under a totalitarian regime, all forms of mass information are subordinated to parties and powers and serve them without reservation, eliminating the right to freedom of speech and information)

centralization control over the economy (the economy under a totalitarian regime is classified as command-administrative (totally possessed), so it acts no differently than the concentration of policies)

militarization of the region (under a totalitarian regime, the region is reduced to a single military camp, sharpened by enemies, which traces will be preserved for the sake of the “bright future”).

Due to the panic ideology, totalitarianism is divided into fascist, socialist and national-socialist.

The military-bureaucratic regime

Democratic regime

Democracy is a political regime in which the people are recognized as a single entity, power operates according to the will and in the interests of the people. Democratic regimes are developing in legal powers

Authoritarianism (lat. auctoritas- vlada, influx) - a characteristic of special types of regimes based on the non-exchange of ownership of one individual or group of individuals for the preservation of the economic, civil, spiritual freedoms of the community. The term “authoritarianism” was coined scientifically by theorists of the Frankfurt School of neo-Marxism and meant a new set of social characteristics that were powerful as political culture and mass media.

· The socio-political system is based on the orderly characteristics of the state or its leaders;

· A social attitude of particularity, which is characterized by the fact that marriage is guilty of arrogance and insane devotion, the irresistible subordination of people to the authorities and those in power.

A political regime consistent with the principles of authoritarianism means the presence of democracy as a means of ensuring the fair holding of elections and in the management of power structures. One often joins in with the dictatorship of a certain particularity, which manifests itself in this or that other world. Authoritarian regimes are even more diverse. It is clear to them:

The military-bureaucratic regime is responsible for authoritarianism due to the appearance of the military dictatorship, but in subsequent political developments, various types of community professionals begin to play a greater role. The governing coalition is dominated by military and bureaucrats, and every day there is an integrative ideology. The regime can be either non-party or rich-party, but most often there is one pro-order and not a mass party. The military and bureaucrats share a common fear of revolution from below, thereby diminishing the success of radically adjusted intellectuals and their necessary mental development. This problem is resolved by the regime through violence and/or by blocking the access of intellectuals to the political sphere through electoral channels. Examples of military-bureaucratic regimes included: the rule of General Pinochet in Chile (1973-1990), the military junta in Argentina, Brazil, Peru, and Pivdenno-Skhidny Asia. Pinochet has been confirmed: The Zhoden leaf will not fall into Chile without the help of a god. General Martínez (El Salvador, born 1932) philosophized: “It is a great evil to kill a mosquito, not a human.” Approximately 40 thousand villagers became victims of this anti-communist purge, as a result of which Indian culture in the region was essentially finished. The slogan of General Rios Montt (Guatemala) was: A Christian can carry a Bible and a gun. As a result of this Christian campaign, 10 thousand Indians were killed and over 100 thousand fled to Mexico;

Corporate authoritarianism is established in societies as a result of a completely different economic and social pluralism, where corporate representation of interests becomes an alternative to the need to ideologize a mass party and expand it to a single party. This is the rule. Characters of the corporate regime – the reign of António de Salazar in Portugal (1932-1968), the regime of Francisco Franco in Spain. In Latin America, the presence of widespread political mobilization of masses has repeatedly allowed for the promotion of corporate representation of interests;

· The remaining political group, which is oriented towards a totalitarian utopia, has not yet acquired its power and has not institutionalized a new system;

· institutions such as the army, church, interest groups, preserving sufficient autonomy, legitimacy and effectiveness, refuse to trade pluralism for their own self-interest;

· A situation of social insignificance, when some people believe that excessive political and social structures can sink the totalitarian revolution, while others doubt the success of this process.

Postcolonial authoritarianism in the form of one-party mobilization regimes arises after being filled with large colonies of independence, which is created from below in partnerships with a low level of economic development. As a rule, postcolonial independence is less formal and legal. The basis for the mobilization of widespread popular support for the new regime is often the nationalistic suppression of independence, which obscures both internal troubles and conflicts. However, due to persistent economic problems and the activation of anti-system opposition forces, rulers are worried about avoiding experiments with strong political intentions. The level of political participation of citizens is becoming low, which means the weakness of the position of the leaders of such powers, which is manifested in frequent coups and assassinations of rulers;

This type of authoritarianism, where the political process could be called democratic, since a large racial and ethnic minority, and other similar groups, are excluded from politics legally and factually, and without violence stva. An example of racial democracy can be called the exorbitant regime of PAR from its ideology of apartheid;

In the book “Gospodars and slaves” (port. "Casa Grande & Senzala"), published in 1933. Freire did not use this term in the book, having guessed it later. Their leaders paved the way for others to popularize the idea of racial democracy. Freire identified several causes of the phenomenon - the close relationship between rulers and slaves in Brazil to the exaltation of the rest and the soft nature of Portuguese colonial policy, which did not divide people into racial categories. Freire transferred the increased mestizacija of the population of Brazil, his act of “reincarnation” and transformation into a special “meta-race”.

Over the years, the term has become widely known among Brazilians. Racial democracy is a matter of national pride, contrasted with racial concerns still alive in the United States.

Criticism

Beginning with the publication of Thomas Skidmore "Black in White" (eng. "Black into White") in the revisionist investigation on the topic of racial democracy, many criticized the assertion that Brazil is a “racial democracy”. According to Skidmore, racial democracy was invented by white Brazilians to accommodate other forms of racial discrimination. Michael Hankard, a sociologist at Johns Hopkins University, notes that the ideology of racial democracy, which is being promoted by government agencies, is going through more effective approaches to fueling racial discrimination in government, allowing The existence of such discrimination is a priori. Henkard and other opponents of the theory respect Freire's message about the “seduction” of Brazilians and their transformation into a superior race as racists. In addition to researching other studies about racial discrimination in the Brazilian Empire as a result of political and electoral politics. A critical thought can be briefly summarized with the phrase of Florestan Ferdandes “Note about the importance of concerns.”

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Politics

Symbolism

Geography

Economics

History

Population

Culture

Science and technology

Racial democracy

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Racial democracy

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History

Ideologies

Show

Violence

Rukhs and organizations

Antiracism

Racism in countries

A lesson that characterizes racial democracy

- Skoda, you need a used one; If you're on the radio, you're right. We don't need people here. There are always a lot of Poradniks, but not enough people. The regiments wouldn’t be like this if all the paradniks served there with the police, like you. “I remember you from Austerlitz... I remember, I remember, I remember from the ensign,” Kutuzov said, and the happy farb rushed into the guise of Prince Andrey at this time. Kutuzov pulled him by the hand, presenting his cheek, and again Prince Andriy shed tears in the eyes of the old man. I want Prince Andrey and knowing that Kutuzov was weak in love and that he is now especially pestered by him and will be obliged to remember before he spends it, but Prince Andrey will be glad and welcome This is a good guess about Austerlitz.
- Follow your path with God. I know that your path is a path of honor. - Vin said a little. - I told you about you in Bukaresti: you were required to send me. – And, having replaced Rozmova, Kutuzov began talking about the Turkish war and the decline of the world. “So, they shouted at me a lot,” said Kutuzov, “both for the war and for peace... and everything came at once.” Tount vient a point a celui qui sait attendre. [Everyone comes at all times for those who can check.] And there were no less paraders there, none here... - after chewing, turning back to the paraders, who, perhaps, had occupied him. - Oh, poradniki, poradniki! - Vin said. If all the rumors had been heard there, near Turechchyna, and the world would not have been put to rest, the war would not have ended. Everything is swedish, and the shvide is getting worse. Yakbi Kamensky is not dead, he is still alive. Thirty thousand stormed the forts. Taking the fort is not important, what is important is winning the campaign. And for this it is not necessary to storm and attack, but to be patient for an hour. Kamensky sent soldiers to Ruschuk, and I sent them alone (patiently for an hour) and took more of the fort, lower Kamensky, and the Turkish meat and sauerkraut. - Vin grabbed his head. - And the French will also be there! “Believe my word,” they puffed up, washed Kutuzov, beating their chests, “I will have horse meat!” – And again my eyes began to sparkle with tears.
- However, maybe you will accept it? - said Prince Andriy.
- It will be good, whatever you want, there is nothing to work for... Well, my dear: there are no stronger ones for these two warriors, patience and an hour; You're spoiling everything, you're spoilers n'entendent pas de cette oreille, voila le mal. [You can’t smell it with your ear, it’s bad.] Some people want, others don’t want. “So, what do you tell me to work?” he repeated, and his eyes shone with a deep, intelligent look. “I’ll tell you what to work,” after asking Vine, because Prince Andrey still didn’t confirm. “I’ll tell you what to work and what I will do.” I'm sorry... Dans le doute, mon cher, - having washed, - abstiens toi, - having seen the arrangement.
- Well, goodbye, friend; Remember that with all my soul I carry your loss with you and that I am not your superior, not a prince or commander-in-chief, but I am your father. Whatever is needed, just up to me. Goodbye, my dear. - I hugged and kissed him again. And Prince Andrey had not yet arrived at the door when Kutuzov calmly sighed and again took up Madame Genlis’s unfinished novel “Les chevaliers du Cygne”.
How and why this happened, Prince Andrey could not explain; and after dealing with Kutuzov, he turned to his regiment to calm down and ask the person he was entrusted with. The more important is the presence of everything special in this old one, in which some of the instincts of passions have been lost and instead of reason (which will give way and work on the basis) one thing of calm observation of the progress, we will be more calm for those that everything will be as it is guilty buti. “There will be nothing of our own in this one. “He doesn’t invent anything, doesn’t create anything,” thought Prince Andrey, “but he listens to everything, remembers everything, puts everything in its place, doesn’t plant anything worthless and doesn’t allow anything wasteful.” It is understood that what is stronger and more significant than one’s will is an inevitable overrun, and one must consider them, without understanding their significance, which is important for the value. є participate in these activities, due to its special meaning, directly on the other . And what the hell,” Prince Andriy thought, “why do you believe it?” “Those who are Russian don’t care about the novel Zhanlis and French orders; These are those whose voices are muffled when they say: “What have they brought to this!”, and who begin to sniffle, talking about those who “make them tired of eating horse meat.” On what basis did everyone seem to understand, and this was the basis for the unanimity and secret praise that accompanied the popular, unacceptable courtiers’ acceptance of Kutuzov as commander-in-chief. Gilberto Freire at the book “The Lords and the Slaves” (port. “Casa-Grande & Senzala”), published in 1933. Freire did not use this term in the book, having guessed it later. Their leaders paved the way for others to popularize the idea of racial democracy. Freire identified several causes of the phenomenon - the close relationship between rulers and slaves in Brazil to the exaltation of the rest and the soft nature of Portuguese colonial policy, which did not divide people into racial categories. Freire transferred the increased mestizacija of the population of Brazil, his act of “reincarnation” and transformation into a special “meta-race”.

Over the years, the term has become widely known among Brazilians. Racial democracy is a matter of national pride, contrasted with racial concerns still alive in the United States.

Criticism

Beginning with the publication of Thomas Skidmore's “Black into White,” a revisionist examination of racial democracy, many have criticized the claim that Brazil is a “racial democracy.” According to Skidmore, racial democracy was invented by white Brazilians to accommodate other forms of racial discrimination. Michael Hankard, a sociologist at Johns Hopkins University, notes that the ideology of racial democracy, which is being promoted by government agencies, is going through more effective approaches to fueling racial discrimination in government, allowing The existence of such discrimination is a priori. Henkard and other opponents of the theory respect Freire's message about the “seduction” of Brazilians and their transformation into a superior race as racists. In addition to researching other studies about racial discrimination in the Brazilian Empire as a result of political and electoral politics. A critical thought can be briefly summarized with the phrase of Florestan Ferdandes “Note about the importance of concerns.”

Notes

Div. also

Administrative division of Brazil

Brazil is a federal state consisting of 26 states (estados) and one federal (metropolitan) district.

Afro-Brazilians

Afro-Brazilians (port. Pretos, Negros, Africanos, rarely Afro-Brasileiros) are one of the main groups of the population of modern Brazil. Number of people is 12,900,000 or 6.9% of the region’s population.

Live everywhere, but the greatest concentration of blacks is prevented by the descent of the region, especially in the state of Bahia. In the other half of the 20th century, a large number of blacks were deprived of bankrupt plantations and moved to the great place of the land. The most famous Afro-Brazilian in the world is the football player Pele.

More Brazilians

White Brazilians (port. brasileiros brancos) are one of the racial categories of the population of Brazil, as is traditionally recorded in censuses of the country's population. White Brazilians have an important European heritage and European races. Representatives of the Mediterranean type are also respected in the region; white Brazilians also have significant Indian and Negro blood, which is explained by the processes of trivial miscegenation during colonial Brazil. and the policy of racial discrimination after achieving independence in 1822. According to the 2010 census data, 47.3% of the region’s population, or about 91.1 million people, were considered white. Most of the population is found in all states of the country, but most of them are concentrated in places, as well as in several desert states of the country, which have a cool subtropical climate. More Brazilians are destined to form the basis of the middle class of the country, and may also give rise to all its political and economic elite. It should be noted that a significant portion of the country's white Brazilians have been constantly affected since the 1960s, reaching a maximum of about 63% of the population. Mova is a Brazilian version of Portuguese language.

Brazilian version of the Portuguese language

The Brazilian version of the Portuguese language, the Portuguese language of Brazil (port. português do Brasil) or the Brazilian Portuguese (português brasileiro), code: pt-BR - the official version of the Portuguese language that is vicorized in Brazil.

The differences between the European form and other dialects/variants of Portuguese (European, African, Asian) are assessed differently in different ways. The smell is small, although noticeable in all levels of the variant, especially in the phonetic plane. Since the middle of the 20th century, the Brazilian version has become important in the world of Portuguese studies, and most of the great-circulation scientific publications of Portuguese literature are oriented towards it, including in Portugal itself. The Lisbon variant, however, persists on the territory of Portugal itself, as well as to various extents on the territory of numerous colonies in Africa and Asia. A similar situation is largely due to demographics: the population of Brazil has already exceeded 200 million people, which is perhaps 20 times more than the population of Portugal (10 million). 85% of the world's Lusophones live in Brazil and only about 5% in Portugal. Between the Brazilian and European variants there is a lot to guess about the situation in Spanish and English language: the number of noses the position of the leading edge of the language in many different translations I feel the population of this region.

Brazilians

Brazilians (port. Brasileiros) are one of the largest nations in the world that form the main population of Brazil. The population is close to 191 million people. (over 95% of the region’s population; 1970, estimate), 189 million people (2008, estimate). They say their prayers in Portuguese language (they are confused by certain peculiarities). Religion – Catholicism, Protestantism.

Vice President of Brazil

Vice-President of Brazil (port. Vice-presidente do Brasil) - a friend of the importance of the ruler of Brazil. The vice-president replaces the president in case of inability to vacate the remainder of his obligations, and takes over his position while he is vacant. The first to take office as Vice President of Brazil in 1891 was Florian Peixoto.

From 1891 to 1964, the Vice President of Brazil was also the head of the Federal Senate.

The remaining Vice President of Brazil is Michel Temer. He took office on September 1, 2011, becoming the 25th vice-president of the region. On September 31, 2016, after Temer took over the post of President of Brazil, the post became vacant.

Foreign policy of Brazil

Brazil is a great political and economic inflow from Latin America, and is also an important player in the world arena. The Ministry of External Relations is responsible for its current policy.

Brazil will become a strong competitor to the United States in comparison with other countries of Latin America.

Brazil takes part in multilateral diplomacy within the framework of the Organization of American Powers and the United Nations, and also develops ties with the countries of Africa and Asia that are developing.

Other Brazilian Republic

The Other Brazilian Republic is a period in the history of Brazil that ranged from 1946 to 1964.

Coat of arms of Brazil

The coat of arms of Brazil was approved on November 15, 1889, 4 days after Brazil became a republic. The coat of arms consists of a central emblem, framed by the leaves of the cava tree on the left side and the titanium on the right, representing the important rural cultures of Brazil. The blakytny koli has a suzir'ya Pivdennyi ridge depicted at its center. The 27 stars represent the 26 states of Brazil and the Federal District. It is important to place the official name of the state (República Federativa do Brasil – Federative Republic of Brazil) in the first row. Another assigned the date of the founding of the federal republic (leaf fall 15, 1889).

Anthem of Brazil

The national anthem of Brazil (port. Hino Nacional Brasileiro) was originally created on the 7th quarter of 1832, without being recognized officially until the vote of the republic in 1889. The decree on the confirmation of the anthem was signed on September 29, 1890. hundreds of fatalities in the voice of Brazil's independence. The author of the lyrics is Osorio Duque Estrada, the composer is Francisco Manuel y Silva.

Sovereign structure of Brazil

Brazil, like all the powers of New America, is a presidential republic.

Constitution of Brazil

The Brazilian Constitution is the fundamental law of the Federative Republic of Brazil. The formal constitution of Brazil was adopted on June 5, 1988.

The Constitution of Brazil is the body of legal principles that underlies the founding of Brazil, and it consolidates the foundations of the political, legal and economic systems of the country, the basis of the legal status of the citizens of Brazil.

Population of Brazil

The main population of the region is Brazilians - one of the largest and most diverse groups in the world. The total population is approximately 190.7 million people. (2010, census).

National Congress of Brazil

The National Congress (port. Congresso Nacional do Brasil) is the legislative body (parliament) of Brazil. It consists of two chambers: the upper – the Federal Senate (81 seats) and the lower – the Chamber of Deputies (513 seats). The most important chambers are divided according to their competence (divisions of the Federal Senate and the Chamber of Deputies).

Saint Brazil

Transnational saints in Brazil are designated by laws No. 662 (1949), No. 6802 (1980), No. 9093 (1995) and No. 10607 (2002). States and municipalities have the right to establish sacred authorities.

President of Brazil

The President of Brazil (officially the President of the Federative Republic of Brazil or simply the President of the Republic) is the head of power in Brazil, the head of the Royal Empire and the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of Brazil. Posad was introduced in 1891 after the praise of the first republican constitution. Deodoro ta Fonseca became the first president of Brazil.

Ore-billed Drizd

The ore-billed drizzle (lit. Turdus rufiventris) is a species of birds of the thrush family, widespread in the regions of Western America. Brazil National symbol.

Sports in Brazil

Sports in Brazil are experiencing significant expansion. The most popular sport in this region is football.

In 2016, Rio de Janeiro hosted the XXXI Summer Olympic Games.

Movies from Brazil

Brazil is a rich country with more than 175 languages, both immigrant and native. Another 120 million dollars have occurred in the past few years. However, my main country is Portuguese, the only official language of the country. In other words, there are less than two-tenths of the population of Brazil. One of the indigenous peoples - the Nyengatu - became another official one of the municipality of São Gabriel da Cachoeira in the state of Amazonas.


Politics
Symbolism

Race and racial politics in contemporary Brazil

Based on this approach, the state wanted to stimulate European immigration and curb the “color”. In the 20s of the last century, the Congress of Brazil repeatedly proposed bills to ban the entry into the country of “the human essence of the black race.” The restriction on the entry of dark-skinned immigrants was legislatively formalized in the Constitutions of 1934 and 1937.

As a result, the ideology and policy of racial mixing in Brazil in the first third of the 20th century. turned out to be essentially racist. True, the idea of marriage to this problem at the turn of the 20s and 30s began to change, especially for the sociologist, historian and writer J. Frere. In his book “Lords and Slaves,” Frere asserted: fragments of mixed whores have long erased the cordons between ethnic groups, and racial democracy has emerged in the country. We see the Brazilian race mix as a model of civilization that can be recognized and perhaps exported.

Frere's ideas were actively victorious by the democratic forces that came to power in Brazil in the other half of the 40s of the last century. Racial politics calmed down, and until the 50s a semblance of racial harmony remained. It was based on the concept of multiracial matrimony - the greatest achievement of racial democracy, which is characterized by the equality of all three races and the absence of discrimination.

The theory of racial democracy is little compared to reality. Large-scale research conducted in 1951. for the support of UNESCO, it not only did not confirm the idea of a positive influx of cross-breeding into the life of the nation, but also revealed deep racial discrimination in all spheres of married life, the obviousness of racial concerns. The situation has not changed over the years. Born in 1988 At the time of sociological survey, 97% of Brazilian citizens said that there is no advance in this area, and 98% of these respondents themselves said that they know others who may have such advances. “The Brazilian feels like an island of racial democracy, edged on both sides by a sea of racists,” the authors of the study ironized. Surely, the situation itself is exactly the same as in 1989. Law 7.716 was praised, which condemns racism as evil and punishes it.

U 1995 r. President of the region F.E. Cardoso publicly stated that Brazil has a history of racial discrimination against the black population. The current president hastened to appeal to the drawn “race card” for the sake of powerful political interests. However, at the beginning of this century, in 2001, after the Durban Conference on the problems of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and intolerance, a serious and massive discussion of the racial problem began. Recently, a series of low-level actions aimed at supporting the Afro-Brazilian part of the population has been launched. However, the majority of the society did not support this, motivating its position by the impossibility of determining who the beneficiary of such a policy is. Their opponents said: “How can we introduce programs to hunt down blacks, if we cannot tell who is black?”

Racial insignificance

Today in Brazil the food is "Who's the black one?" It’s not at all rhetorical. It would seem easy to tell someone new. Even here, in addition to most Latin American countries, the item “race” is included in the national census of 1940. Ale on the right is not in the numbers that allow us to judge the diversity of the Afro-Brazilian and Euro-Brazilian population, but in who and what forms the statement about racial classification in Brazil, and where they sit in it color, raceі identity.

The main difference between races in Brazil (for example, in the USA) is the presence of a bipolar “black-white” caste classification. Racial identity in Brazil does not appear to be like women. In the USA, in accordance with the absurd law about “drops of blood”, children who may have a black father or great-grandfather are considered black regardless of the phenotype or race of the other father. Brazilian racial identity is indicated by phenotype, the color of the skin, hair, eyes, etc. Therefore, you may appear different from your siblings. One of the two brothers may be identified as white, and the other as black.

It’s not surprising that the Brazilian government’s census about race reads like this: Qual e a sua cor?- What kind of color? Color is the Brazilian equivalent of the English term "race", which refers to the addition of physical characteristics (skin color, hair type, nose and lip shape).

One of the most important factors in the formation of Brazilian racial identity is power. It itself establishes and institutionalizes specific racial/color categories in the census and statistical surveys. During the census, two color categories are created for the population of Africans: preto(black) for dark skinned people pardo(brown) for mulattoes and mestizos. Three more categories - branco(white), Amarelo(Zhovtiy) that Indian(Indigenous) - describe the views of Europeans, Asians and Indians.

However, under this criterion, the criterion of belonging to this or any other group is not officially defined. This guidance often leads to misfortune in certain groups of the Brazilian population, especially those who belong to the official groups of the Preto and Pardo. Afro-Brazilian activists appreciate that the tension between these groups “has turned out to be quite satisfactory and subjective, as if I have a group dedicated to all Afro-Brazilians."

Another aspect of the formation of racial identity is the declaration of the Brazilians themselves about their racial heritage. Back in 1976 An open category of race and color was officially introduced into demographic circulation, which did not delimit the classification of the choice of children in several groups (white, black, yellow and brown). As a result, the Brazilians were divided into 135 different colors. 94% spontaneously accepted the categories white, light, dark-skinned, moraine(brown, yellow-brown, dark or simply dark-haired), pardoі black, as the others were divided into other 129 groups.

Serious variations in color self-identified caused the failure of any attempt at color analysis of the racial situation. Born in 1980 It was decided to divide the choice of several categories - branco, pardo, preto and amarelo/indijena. The pardo category was expanded to include all multiracial individuals not classified as white, black or brown. Above all, it was important to preserve the principle of self-identification.

Census 1980 showing that 54% of residents of the region considered themselves to be branco, 38% - to pardo and 5.9% - to preto, 0.7% of respondents considered themselves to be amarelo. The term “pardo” carries with it the greatest insignificance. Respondents used it for self-identification when choosing a Primus (without the moreno category), and if a free choice was possible, they usually chose the remainder.

However, racial classification introduces a great deal of confusion into the racial classification system of Brazil. At the same time, racial identity is also infused with class identity. Even dark-skinned and even poor Brazilians are respected and respected by themselves, and people with the same skin color, but with a higher status, are recognized and recognized as pardo or moreno, or in other terms close to the white end of the cross spectrum. "Individuals of the average and mixed phenotype may be called white, because they smell good and play [socially] prestigious roles." The investigators also note “the ability of mobile individuals who identify themselves, for example, as a preto, after the advancement of socio-economic status, to be reclassified among pardos.”

Racial insignificance increases to the dark end of color. At the same time, there is an inflated category of branco and pardo and a sound category of preto, a large number of Afro-Brazilians are respected for better inclusion in the first two groups.

According to the American researcher E. Tells, Brazilian racial markers can be seen on horizontal and vertical levels. Phenomena such as segregation, racial mixing and mixed love, Tells bring to horizontal lines, and social guilt and marginalization - to vertical ones. Horizontal trays are connected to the levels of social communication, social distance or the specific design of space by social groups, and vertical trays are connected to economical development or economical inequality. Istyu. Further, we focus on this typology, which appears to be a hand-held research tool, allowing us to look at the Brazilian racial records simultaneously from formal (vertical line) and informal (horizontal line) perspectives.

Horizontal and vertical racial lines

The origin of Brazil is absolutely clearly and ambiguously expressed in relation to Afro-Brazilians. Stinks, especially the residents of Pivnichny Skhod, Nordestinos, It is a subject to look at and an image. Pivnichnyi Xid, and the state of Bahia, is at the center of African culture, where nearly 90% of the population is of African descent. Nordestinos are called by various disrespectful names. Buti Nordestinos means to wear a cultural brand. Among the Brazilian population there is an idea that “the Bayanians cannot be respected by the real Brazilians”, the remains of the stench “need to save a lot of African cultivated rice”.

However, on a horizontal level, the differences between racial groups seem to be either not harmonious, or rather such as to undermine the unfortunate “racial democracy”. And, in order to respect a lot of fachists, in the sphere of mutual relations, Brazilians, with their efforts to reconcile, tolerance, and friendliness, compete with the Spanish and Latin American people. krajin The Brazilian style of living is rooted in cultural and historical decline: the tradition of cohabitation among different ethnic groups, decentralized government, and the more tolerant Catholic Church.

Born in 1996 magazine Veja publishing the results of a study on the topic “What do Brazilians think about themselves?” The survey showed that 88% of Brazilians consider themselves happy, and 78% are more happy than other nations. However, 51% of respondents said that the national characteristic of Brazilians is extreme proactiveness.

This very aspect of national character gives rise to racial insignificance, a phenomenon known as “heart-racism.” This term, coined in scholarship in the mid-1990s, plays on the fact that in Brazil race is and is not independent of the situation and context. At the research institute DataFolha(1995) 89% of respondents knew that their marriage was effectively filled with racist rice, while only 10% knew that they themselves were racist. “Brazilians openly discriminate against blacks, rather than relying on any recognition of their status to discriminate,” said Brazilian sociologist F. Fernandez. Vin characterized this peculiarity as a kind of reactionary concern. The point is that Brazilians are aware of their racism, recognize its presence, and are not afraid to address it as a problem.

Along with “heartfelt racism,” horizontal racial lines are characterized by a pattern of discrimination against those to whom it is applied. A great number of Afro-Brazilians and mulattoes remember who became their victims, and at the same time they know the friends and family members who succumbed to them.

In this way, the horizontal rhubarb demonstrates the super-sensitivity of racial relations in Brazil. Here there is a racial mixture and interstitial heartiness, but it does not interfere with the racial hierarchy and discrimination.

On the vertical level, racial discrimination manifests itself more clearly than on the horizontal level. The main reason is the socio-economic inequality of different groups of the population. Racial insignificance is being replaced by a completely different racial classification, which allows for discrimination in the deprivation of income, division of material benefits and access to social capital.

The relationship between the color of the skin and the place in the socio-economic structure has been revealed and studied in numerous works of Brazilian and Anglo-Saxon scientists. So-called “colorism” (discrimination based on skin color) and “classism” (discrimination based on class) are the main forms of discrimination against the Afro-Brazilian category of the population. The correlation between race and class is clearly and succinctly expressed in the Afro-Brazilian saying: “The poor white is black, the rich black is white.”

Racism and poverty are inseparable - as shown by statistics. About a third of the population lives beyond the official boundary of poverty; Almost 70% of the poor are Afro-Brazilians. The situation is particularly serious in Baixada Fluminense, a large region of Rio de Janeiro, where 90% of the population is black. According to WHO classification, it is one of the most disadvantaged urban areas (places) in the world. "The municipalities of Baishadi, which are generally black, have no sewage system; children play in the open trenches of currants, as they carry excrements through the confinement, the streets filled with mosquitoes... Leprosy and tropical fever are practical “Don’t screw up your respects.”

Places where large numbers of poor Afro-Brazilians live are called favelas. The violence in them reaches such proportions that only one in three favela residents live to be 19 years old.

Recently, Brazil had a high rate of child mortality, which can be compared with disadvantaged African countries. Nina's performance decreased by 72.4% compared to 1970. Moreover, in Euro-Brazilians, child mortality is already approaching the level of the guilty countries. And at the New Year's Meeting, the national growth rate indicator, as before, corresponds to African indicators. The Brazilian New Year's Day accounts for a quarter of the child mortality rate in all of Latin America.

The differences between Afro-Brazilian and Euro-Brazilian displays are taking place in many other areas. Thus, there is a real gap in the standard of living in these two groups of the population. In the 40s, the life expectancy of children born to white mothers was equivalent to 47.5 years, and in Afro-Brazilians - 40 years. Over the years, the offending groups have achieved a significant decrease: until the 80s, the average cost of living for whites was 66.1 rocks, and for Afro-Brazilians – 59.4 rocks. Rozriv, in such a manner, became immutable. Illiteracy in 1992 10.6% were among the white ones, 28.7% were among the black ones, and 25.2% were among the brown ones. Until 1999 all indicators decreased (to 8.3, 21 and 19.6% respectively); nervousness, as a matter of fact, was preserved.

A characteristic feature of the unevenness is the so-called “blame stele”, when the convergence of Afro-Brazilians with social gatherings at the singing stage breaks down, and the stench pushes into an unbreakable barrier. The "steel curse" is most obvious in Brazilian light deposits, where the white ones are the main beneficiaries, and the black and brown ones are excluded, mainly for economic reasons. Light is reserved for the middle and upper classes, which are constituted white. Naturally, the situation is gradually changing: as in 1950. Less than 0.25% of Afro-Brazilians completed college or primary education, then until 1991. – approximately 4.5%. However, this is still a small show for the great Afro-Brazilian population.

School coverage for this category of the population is more accessible. Hundreds of those buried by him were left behind by the remaining fates. And here whites are ahead of dark-skinned children: up to the age of 16, 73.6% of white children go to school, including 64.7% of Afro-Brazilian children. As a result of the beginning of the term, the term began with schoolchildren in 1992. 5.7 rocks, and 1999 rub. - 6.6 rocks, then Baie - 4 and 5 rocks consistently. And the light all the same “exposes” not the flooring to include discrimination based on race/color. It produces an effect at the light end of the color spectrum, but blends into the dark end. Moreover, according to the researchers, “as more cities are approaching the same level of light, there will be greater income inequality.”

The “scrying stele” did not escape any higher authorities of the administration, nor the Catholic Church. Born in 1996 Of the 400 Brazilian bishops, only five were dark-skinned, and of 14 thousand. Afro-Brazilians captured more than two thousand priests. “I’ve never seen a black priest, and I haven’t seen a moreno,” says the Afro-Brazilian. “It seems that there are black priests... but most priests are white.” Until recently, Afro-Brazilians were extremely poorly represented in the state administration. In 2002 before them, less than 4.4% of the members of the Congress belonged; Only one out of 77 judges of the courts of the first instance of the African quest. Among the 970 federal courts, Afro-Brazilians accounted for less than 10%. U 1999 r. in the Chamber of Deputies, its part became less than 2.9%. She was a great asset in the Senate, although she was also outnumbered. This is the situation across all states. Moreover, the underrepresentation of Afro-Brazilians at the Evening and Evening Gathering is more common than in other regions of the country. Obviously, racial discrimination does not allow for full representation of the Afro-Brazilian segment of the population in higher and regional government bodies.

The Brazilian vast expanse has “soft” areas, in which “being black is not a shame and sometimes brings prestige to a subject.” Tse gra v domino, beach and ultimate football, samba, carnival, pop music. In many areas, the inequality seems even more obvious.

For Afro-Brazilians with a lower level of awareness, the characteristic early entry into the market means access to less prestigious and less qualified jobs. The labor and racial wage systems are deeply permeated by the decadence of slavery. This is especially true in the agricultural sector and in the domestic service sector, where the majority of Afro-Brazilians are traditionally employed. "Aligned with industrial firms, workers in the agricultural and domestic sectors have a great deal of direct and special control over their workers. Work places are isolated and closed. There are no outsiders, and most robot workers are ill-informed and do not know about their rights. great paternalistic power over their ancestors." The villages contributed almost 40 and 44% to the income of most borrowers .

It is important to note that in the marketplace, racism is distinguished from sexism (discrimination under the heading of an article). Analysts indicate that in the 1980s, markets tended to be more sexist and less racist: women, in principle, received less wages, and African-Brazilian women earned less than other women. The real average income of white women in the 80s exceeded the income of Afro-Brazilians by 100%. Then sexism began to rise to another level, and then racism came to the fore: the wages of white women became more important than those of dark-skinned men. The position of dark-skinned people, especially women, is in this sense unsatisfactory: dark-skinned men pay more for them by 1.7 times, white women pay more less by 2.0 times, and white men by 3.6 times.

Thus, racial discrimination takes place in all spheres of Brazilian life and is combined with socio-economic discrimination (classism). The assertion about the “powerful” power of pennies in Brazil is not entirely fair. Having achieved a high level of education and income, Afro-Brazilians continue to live in brighter minds in life, lower: they are characterized by high mortality rates, less triviality of life, and less access to light. "good" jobs, they require less wages.

It is clear that the stereotypical mentality has become entrenched in all regions of the Brazilian marriage. Stereotypes permeate the social sphere, penetrating mass media, school programs and literature that describe white Brazil, but not the history and culture of Afro-Brazilians.

Furthermore, inequality and discrimination appear both horizontally and vertically on racial lines. Regardless of the harmony that is supported by mixed love, racial insignificance, heartfelt and counter-racism, racial problems are clearly present in the horizontal system of wines. There is even greater racism among vertical drains, which is reinforced by class-based warehouses and confirmed by statistical data.

Power politics

As was the case earlier, in the first third of the 20th century. The government's policy in the region under investigation is of little racist nature. Vіn saved until the middle of the century. Dictator J. Vargas, who ruled the country in 1930-1945, voted the black union and the ruins into law. Discussions about the rights of Afro-Brazilians at that time were difficult, due to the ideology of the dictatorship of Vargas, “the skin of the former power.” The concept of racial democracy, adopted by the advancing democratic orders, was not practically implemented. The military junta, which came to power in 1964, formally supported the idea of racial democracy. Zokrema, the Constitution, adopted in 1967, did not allow the manifestation of concerns against race and class. Suddenly, at that moment, a controversy over racial nutrition arose. Censorship resulted from mass media in any way criticizing the racial boundaries that had formed. The census dated 1970. Nutrition about race was omitted, formally - due to the impossibility of achieving the importance of racial categories. The American Regional Inter-American Fund, which gave grants to several Afro-Brazilian communities (for increasing awareness and social activity), was sent from the country. Born in 1968 This is the name of the School of Sao Paulo due to repression. The famous Brazilian anthropologist F. Fernandez and his students F. E. Cardoso (the incoming president of the country) and O. Yanni, who worked within this framework, released an investigation that showed the impossibility of racial democracy. The work of Fernandez, Cardoso and Yanni from the University of Sao Paulo in 1968 is politically motivated. closed this last topic for twenty years.

In the mid-70s, a weakening of military control began, as the regime was called. Since then, Afro-Brazilian culture and religion have gained official recognition, and new opportunities for growth and creativity have emerged. A new Afro-Brazilian movement was created. New forms of black culture appeared among Bahia. ZMI called this process the “re-Africanization” of Bai.

However, this did not mean significant changes in the Brazilian racial situation. At the hour of preparation for the 1980 census. Vlad Znova tried to turn off the food about race from the questionnaire. The strongest protest is on the side of demographers, scientists, Afro-Brazilian activists and the press, who are mulling over the decision. Officials intervened, allowing inclusion until the 1980 census. two words about color in 25% of copies of census questionnaires.

The turning point in the upcoming racial changes came in 1988, when a new democratic Constitution was adopted and slavery was abolished in Brazil for a century. Constitution 1988 For the first time in the Brazilian constitutional history, racism was voiced by law, declaring that “the practice of racism becomes an evil that is unacceptable and without limitation deserves to be abated by law” (Art. 5). Born in 1989 As a result, the Afro-Brazilian community adopted Law 7.716, specifying the name of the regulation. The Constitution recorded other Afro-Brazilian achievements: the allocation of land between the current communities of Quilombo (Article 68), provisions on the multi-ethnic and multicultural nature of the power, which means taking by the state authorities for the protection of African manifestations -Brazilian culture (Art. 215), The clause on obov'yazkova inclusion before the initial courses of history stipulates the contribution of different cultures and ethnicities in the formation of the Brazilian people (Art. 242).

The Prote Constitution of 1988, as was based on so many hopes, did not bring the problems of racism and racial discrimination to the official discourse. During this period, there were few from the Brazilian white political elite, which was based on the leftist parties and the ruling parties, which degenerated into a racial diet. The first high-ranking politician who disrupted the power of racial relations in the state was L. Brizola, governor of the state of Rio de Janeiro and a leader of the Democratic Labor Party, who advocated “brown socialism.” Two Afro-Brazilians became deputies for this party in the Congress; Brizola also recognized Afro-Brazilians in the planting of heads of low secretariats of the state. The Assembly of the State of Rio de Janeiro praised R. in 1985. the law against racial discrimination in the localities, which has the full power of the living people. Born in 1991 Brizola created a Supervisory Secretariat in his state out of protection and concordance with the black people (SEAFRO). SEAFRO and his first secretary A. do Nascimento mali articulate and develop government policy for the Afro-Brazilian community of Rio de Janeiro. Thus, there was a police station that specialized in evils on racial grounds, work was carried out with police officers on racial issues and with readers on the inclusion of Afro-Brazilian history and culture to the beginning c. However, due to the advancing administration, SEAFRO was fenced off.

The struggle of another progressive governor F. Montoro (Brazilian Democratic Movement Party) against racial discrimination in Sao Paulo ended similarly. It is characteristic that in 1998, three years after the introduction of the racial problem in the powerful political order, the current President F. E. Cardoso, near the city of Belo Horizonte (Minas Gerais state), having installed the Municipal Secretariat on the right of black communities (SMACON). This share was the result of his, regardless of those, that the creation of SMAKON, the initiator of some former measures of the place, was the result of a difficult discussion at the marriage and a vote at the Lord's House.

Born in 1988 In Brazil, the hundredth anniversary of slavery was widely celebrated. In the hour of crisis, President J. Sarney announced the creation of the Palmeres Cultural Foundation, which was aimed at “conserving the cultural, social and economic values of the Black Sea in the form of the Brazilian marriage.” In honor of the centenary of slavery, an Advisory Group (later the Commission) was created under the Federal Ministry of Culture. Aside from the number of significant changes in political discourse, the rise of Afro-Brazilians could not be avoided. The American explorer T. Skidmore wrote: “It seemed ideal that it would be possible to take an inventory of racial records centuries after the end of slavery. about the uniqueness of the traumas of slavery...".

Until the mid-90s, the country did not experience the necessary affirmative actions (calls to avoid discrimination against minorities and ensure their representatives had better chances when entering a profession and work. - Ed.) than Afro-Brazilians. The first attempt of this kind - a bill on compensation for African slaves - did not stop encouraging the Congress. Only since 1995, when F.E. became President of Brazil. Cardoso, who is himself of African descent, was the first to voice the racial problem in the world. Promovi 20 leaf fall 1995 r. Cardoso stated that racial discrimination against Afro-Brazilians has existed in Brazil for a long time and repeated this, speaking at the international seminar “Multiculturalism and Racism: the Role of Affirmative Actions in Current Democracies”: “T But in Brazil we have a peaceful life, plagued by slaughter and discrimination. .. Discrimination in our society has been consolidated for a long time and was gradually being created... This situation needs to be brought out in the open so that we can sue them, and not just with words, but through the mechanisms of the process that will result until our marriage is re-created in such a way that it becomes truly democratic differences between different races, classes and social groups.”

Cardoso brought into public discourse those who have long been accepted into the Brazilian marriage. Whoever called the Brazilian president from “the guilty man from the house”, and his decision to go on for such a short time, is insane, after assessing as having shown political will. Ale, if Cardoso didn’t get involved in this work, the objective rerun would probably lead to a similar finale, although perhaps a little later.

By the 1990s, the racial situation had improved to the point where Afro-Brazilian activism began to produce the first magazine for a black audience. Raca Brasil, mave great success. True, many Brazilians recognized him as racist, and a debate flared up about his drive. The same goes for food, which means who is black.

Born in 1996 The National Human Rights Program was launched, which carried out special efforts to support dark-skinned Brazilians (for example, support for private businesses). She was encouraged to accept the dichotomous meaning of race in Brazil (dividing the entire population into two categories - “white” and “non-white”). They were heavily encouraged by Afro-Brazilian activities.

For example, 2001 r. Racial nutrition has once again become an important part of the Brazilian government agenda in connection with the Durban Conference against racism and xenophobia and affirmative action in the social and labor spheres.

Affirmative policies began to operate at all levels of the power structure. The Ministry of Rural Development has established a 20% quota for the employment of Afro-Brazilians at the ministry itself and at related companies. The same quotas were issued by the Constitutional Court and the Ministry of Justice. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs also announced the affirmative action. Traditionally, there were no Afro-Brazilians in the Brazilian diplomatic corps, which, in Cardoso’s opinion, did not at all undermine the appearance of Brazilian supremacy. The affirmative action is small due to the payment of a one-month stipend of 1000 reais (500 US dollars) to 20 dark-skinned candidates to assist in preparation for entrance examinations to this department. We are planning to introduce quotas for African-Brazilian students at major universities.

The affirmative action has given rise to extremely controversial debate in the public eye. Newspapers and magazines asked well-known intellectuals, politicians and black activists to discuss food. Acts of prestige, such as Jornal do Brasil, It was argued that it was really necessary to introduce quotas as a guarantee of greater awareness among Afro-Brazilians, but their voices were drowned in the choir of opponents of reforms. Folha de Sao Paulo, One of Brazil's newest and most popular newspapers, openly aware of the unscrupulous racial discrimination that was on the rise, immediately took a clear position against affirmative action. Main argument Folha Other opponents of the idea of quotas believe that due to the lack of clarity of racial classifications and the significant level of racial mixing, it is impossible to identify the beneficiaries of such a policy. In fact, as of the 1980 census, less than 6% of the population identified themselves as preto.

Prote u 2002 Six Brazilian universities have introduced quotas for African-Brazilian students. But two of them, which accounted for 40% of Afro-Brazilians among new applicants, immediately ran into problems. Light-skinned students who scored higher on the entrance exam and were not admitted to university were taken to court, claiming the right to equal access to education, guaranteed by the 1988 Constitution. Viniklo nutrition about the constitutionality of affirmative actions. And while the President of the Supreme Court will again praise them, respecting that the country bears responsibility for ensuring the social welfare and equality of all Brazilians, the Advocate of the Minister of Justice J. Brinder filed an appeal to the Great Federal Tribunal about the unconstitutionality of the said action.

Brazil's lighting ministers have consistently opposed the introduction of quotas in the lighting system. U 2001 r. P. R. Souza, who took this stand, declaring: “I would support quotas if the problem of access to university education was a racial problem.” In the opinion of the current minister, C. Buarque, quotas were unnecessary, as the problems of inequality did not arise.

Most of the officials supported the affirmative policy and spoke about the need to expand quotas. The number of ministers who filled the quotas of their subordinate structures included the president of the High Federal Tribunal, the chief federal prosecutor and others.

To put the edge on the super glasses, Cardoso in 2002. Having seen Decree 4288, it announced the creation of the National Program with affirmative actions. The program is small to control the implementation of quotas in life in ordinary institutions and controlled companies. Moreover, quotas were just the tip of the iceberg of affirmative action. The main package of programs includes social plans for black communities, professional training, preparation courses for entry to university, and support for Afro-Brazilian business.

The results of the affirmative actions were promising. U serpni 2002 r. Twenty dark-skinned candidates were selected for scholarships from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. At leaf fall 2002 27% of the employees of the Ministry of Justice were Afro-Brazilians.

One of the direct affirmative actions was the eradication of the Primus industry in the region. Despite the fact that slavery was officially discussed hundreds of years ago, this practice is still being abused, especially among rural communities. For 1995-2002 birth years The Brazilian Vlada made about 4.5 thousand. osib. In 2003 The National Plan for the Elimination of Slave Work was adopted and put into effect, which allowed for another 5 thousand to be raised during this period. osib. Such actions were carried out by the state together with the International Organization of Pracia (IOP). P. Audi, a representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said that “Brazil is one of the poor countries that recognizes the root of the problem,” and the first country in the world that created a national plan from the eradication of slave labor.

The number of Brazilians who drink Primus often outweighs the number of wines. The Commission for the Pastoral Lands of the Catholic Church recovered approximately 25 thousand. slaves, if the actual figure is stated by the Commission, can reach 100 thousand. The fight against slavery began with President Cardoso and continued with President Luli.

No regard for those who President L.I. Lula da Silva ta F.E. Cardozo was on different ideological platforms, Lula continued and concretized the racial policy of the administration of his successor. At the hour of the inauguration promotion, June 1, 2003. Lula said: “Brazil has a lot of cruelty and discrimination, especially against members of the black and Indian communities... Less than half of the Brazilians - blacks and most importantly poor - were seriously affected by racism and discrimination More than 64% of those living in poverty are under 70 % demand - blacks. Blacks also become more and more robotless and often robotless in the country. This cruel and unfair situation is not a direct result of our national history and the history of our country here slavery, which has been a problem in Brazil for centuries, has left a deep and lasting mark on our marriage, This is also the result of government policy aimed at reducing the situation and eradicating this evil. The Brazilian government cannot be deprived of race-neutral attitudes and racism, and all Brazilians are given equal opportunity in the search for beauty. wow life..."

To improve the appearance in galusa racial bearings on the cob 2003 r. A Special Secretariat for the Policy of Racial Equality was created. Initially, the department apparently was given the status of a federal ministry. It is noteworthy that the first head of the secretariat was a woman, Matilda Ribeiro, an Afro-Brazilian activist and feminist. Until 2007 The Secretariat was able to implement a program of projects to promote racial equality (promoting the importance of Afro-Brazilian culture; institutionalization of racial and gender equality; health protection program I am among Afro-Brazilians and in.).

The situation in Brazil still emphasizes the need to eliminate racial discrimination and establish harmonious racial lines. The remaining decades of the last century and the beginnings of a new one brought new worlds and disappointments to the Afro-Brazilian population. On the one hand, the 1980s became an hour of Afro-Brazilian mobilization and the formation of racial self-identity. On the other hand, as a result of the progressive changes in the structure of the Brazilian economy, as well as the neoliberal policies of the 90s, many of the leading channels of social mobility of African-Brazilians were closed to the new generation Nya. Opportunities for employment of Afro-Brazilians in important industrial enterprises and other areas of government employment have changed today, wages have decreased, reducing the apparently high status of these workers . Therefore, many young people are looking for an alternative to low wages in the informal sector of the economy (trade of electronics and cosmetics in Paraguay) and other criminal businesses (sales of stolen goods, drug theft, drug trafficking). It’s not surprising that in 2007 Secretary General Amnesty International A. Kann appealed to President Luli with a request to carry out necessary reforms in the country to protect law and order and address the main causes of violence in the country.

The process of integration of the Afro-Brazilian population will continue. Your mind will become clearer, your awareness of life will increase.

The role of the process of eradicating racism will continue to be played by Afro-Brazilian activism. Organization Afrobrds The College of Zambia spirit Palmeres created its own lighting installation, where Afro-Brazilians can obtain a bachelor's degree. Black activities also arose at the Afro-Brazilian Observatory, a center for collecting systematic statistical information on black life. The meta observatories are to provide the Black Rukh with tools that will help improve the development of its members and demonstrate, through the use of “hard facts,” that the struggle of the Brazilian black population is not a problem of a minority, but of half of the population of the region.

Race seeps into the fabric of the Brazilian marriage. Self-awareness in color is a characteristic feature of Brazilians. For a long time, Brazil was officially respected for its extreme racial democracy, the fruit of national traditions and the nature of government policy. Since the end of the last century, it has been stated from the most prominent tribunes that racial democracy is a myth, that “heart-racism” is rampant in the country, and discrimination against the “little ones” is especially noticeable in the socio-economic sphere. The active development of racial self-awareness and the preservation of the current social inequality tempts the country to intensify a policy to eradicate racism. Real approaches that support the activities of Afro-Brazilian organizations will lead to visible positive results.

DANILOVA Galina Oleksandrivna, Associate Professor, Perm Economic University
Div: Div: Sansone L. Op. cit. R. 25.
Div: Duhagon E. Afro-Brazilians: research for change // Choike. org. A Portal on Southern Civil Societies. 27.01. 2003 (http://www.choike.org/nuevo_eng/informes/952.html#Civ-il%20society).